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Sheff v. O'Neill AGREEMENT REACHED...2008 version.

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Sheff Parties Ask Legislators To Approve Settlement
By ARIELLE LEVIN BECKER | Courant Staff Writer
April 16, 2008

Representatives from both sides of the state's 19-year-old Sheff v. O'Neill school desegregation lawsuit on Tuesday urged lawmakers to embrace the latest proposed settlement, saying it stands the best chance yet of achieving what earlier efforts have not: desegregating Hartford schools.

"We signed this agreement because we believe it could be done," said Dennis Parker, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union and one of the plaintiffs' attorneys, testifying before the legislature's education committee. "We recognize it involves hard work but we are willing to put in that hard work."

The proposed settlement, reached earlier this month, outlines measures that include building magnet schools in Hartford-area suburbs and expanding the number of slots for Hartford students in suburban public schools, racially integrated preschools and technical and agricultural high schools. It would also streamline the application process to magnet schools, improve transportation and support for Hartford students attending schools in other districts, and give the plaintiffs a role overseeing the desegregation efforts.

If it's successful, by the time the settlement expires in 2013, at least 80 percent of Hartford students who seek places in a racially integrated school will have them.

The proposed accord would replace a 2003 settlement, which expired last summer far short of its goals. The new proposal doesn't spell out how to achieve the new goals, but requires officials to create a comprehensive plan by Nov. 30, and specifies many items that must be included.

"There is no moment to be lost if we're to implement this by December," state Education Commissioner Mark K. McQuillan said, urging approval of the plan.

Lawmakers offered a mixed reception.

Committee co-chairman Rep. Andrew M. Fleischmann, D- West Hartford, noted that Tuesday's hearing was far less contentious than ones held last summer on an earlier settlement proposal, which legislators ultimately refused to ratify. Fleischmann said he is optimistic about the new proposal.

State Sen. Thomas P. Gaffey, D- Meriden, the committee co-chairman, said the proposal had a more reasonable chance of success than previous efforts, but said he was "chagrined" that officials have not yet offered projections on the cost of the settlement.

Others expressed skepticism.

State Sen. John W. Fonfara, D-Hartford, said the settlement continued mistakes of a decade ago, shortly after the state Supreme Court ordered Hartford's schools to be desegregated.

Back then, he said, the experts charged with developing the desegregation effort split into two camps: one that wanted to focus on reducing racial isolation, and one that sought to improve student performance. The camp focused on racial isolation seemed to have won, Fonfara said. He questioned whether it was worth continuing to spend money with the same focus.

"This was about the quality of the schools and what kids in Hartford, particularly minority kids, receive, and I don't see those kids benefiting," he said.

Parker disagreed "fundamentally," he said.

The proposed settlement, like earlier efforts, is designed to improve education while also reducing racial isolation, he said. "We have never and do not now accept the proposition that it is an either-or," he said.

The exchange brought to a head a theme raised by several legislators, who suggested that the efforts to desegregate Hartford schools had not focused sufficiently on raising student achievement or determining whether the efforts were improving education or simply, in the words of state Rep. Deborah W. Heinrich, D-Madison, "moving kids around."

Parker and McQuillan disputed the notion, and argued the settlement was designed to both reduce racial isolation and raise student achievement.


Reader's note:  Avon and Farmington flipped (correction to Courant map published April 5, 2008)

Path To Integration
Hartford Courant
April 5, 2008


Deal Reached In School Lawsuit;  Desegregation Fight In Hartford Dragged On For 12 Years 
By Associated Press    
Published on 4/5/2008 

Hartford (AP) — A tentative settlement was reached Friday in the long-standing school desegregation lawsuit that for 12 years has sought to remedy the racial isolation in Hartford schools.

The question of whether the city's schools must be desegregated was settled by the landmark state Supreme Court Sheff vs. O'Neill ruling in the case in 1996, but the high court left it to the Sheff plaintiffs and the state to figure out how to do it.

The latest deal requires the state to develop a detailed plan to address racial disparity, including more magnet schools in Hartford suburbs and an increase in the number of spots available in suburban schools for Hartford students.

The agreement also requires that at least 80 percent of Hartford students who want to attend integrated schools be accommodated by 2012.

The settlement must be approved by a state judge and the General Assembly.

“This is a watershed day in our ongoing efforts to ensure that all of Hartford's children are afforded their constitutional right to a quality integrated education,” said Dennis Parker, Director of the ACLU Racial Justice Program and an attorney in the case.

Parker said that for the first time in 12 years, the state must follow a detailed framework to assure racial balance.

Others involved in negotiating the agreement included lawyers with the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. and Center for Children's Advocacy.

The original case was brought in 1989 on behalf of Milo Sheff, who was then a 10-year-old student in Hartford's Annie Fisher School. Following the 1996 Supreme Court ruling, the case landed back in lower courts after plaintiffs complained over a lack of progress.

The two sides reached an agreement on a four-year plan in 2003: It was left largely to Hartford to implement the terms of the settlement by building magnet schools and sending students to suburban schools through the “Open Choice” program.

However, the numerical goals of the 2003 agreement specifying levels of integration were not met and after the accord expired last year, the plaintiffs returned to court.

“Equal opportunity to a quality, integrated education is a fundamental right and for the first time there is a clear structure in place for the state to follow to ensure that no child is denied that right,” Parker said. 


Schools Chief Makes A Pitch; Adamowski Seeks Regional District
By RACHEL GOTTLIEB FRANK | Courant Staff Writer
November 15, 2007

A regional school district that would craft and run interdistrict schools could be an effective way to diminish the racial and economic isolation of Hartford's schoolchildren, the city's superintendent of schools, Steven Adamowski, testified Wednesday.

The existence of 166 local and regional school districts in 169 towns has had the effect of segregating minority children, he said in the final day of testimony at Superior Court in Hartford in the landmark Sheff v. O'Neill desegregation case.

"All the poor students are bottled up in one place. It is essentially the reason we have the Sheff case," said Adamowski, whose city is now party to the case.

Adamowski testified that he has offered a series of suggestions to state education officials, including the creation of a regional school district for the 22 towns that are subject to the Sheff litigation. Such a district would spend state funds to create and operate magnet schools and interdistrict programs under its own school board. It would not replace existing school boards and school districts, but function alongside them.

"I'm very concerned we have no takers in the suburbs for magnet schools," he said, speaking after his testimony. A regional district should have enough authority to build new schools anywhere within the 22 towns, including Hartford, he said.

In 1996, the state Supreme Court held that the plaintiffs in the Sheff case had proved their case that Hartford schoolchildren were being denied an equal education because of racial and economic isolation. The plaintiffs have now returned to Superior Court, after a settlement before the Connecticut legislature broke down, to try to speed up integration efforts. The city's schools today, the plaintiffs said, are more segregated than they were when the case was first filed in 1989.

In his testimony, Adamowski endorsed some of the recommendations of the plaintiffs' witnesses, saying it is critical that the state develop a master plan to map out its integration efforts. The plaintiffs sought to underscore the need for such a plan through their witnesses and in cross-examination of state witnesses.

Adamowski's call for an independent regional district received a lukewarm reception from state education officials.

State Education Commissioner Mark McQuillan said that the idea has merit, but that it would take a long time for it to take shape and begin working. "It would take a long time to develop the political will in that many communities for a plan like that," he said.

McQuillan who says that making progress on desegregation is urgent said he's concentrating now on the establishment of a joint office between the state, the Hartford school district and the Capitol Region Education Council, which runs several magnet schools.

But Adamowski testified that he had asked the state to assign a full-time employee to work in the office, but in the end the state decided to support a part-time position.

Tom Murphy, a spokesman for the state Department of Education, said that the regional council serves a similar function to that of the regional school district proposed by Adamowski because it can build magnet schools in any of the towns that it serves.

One of the Sheff plaintiffs' expert witnesses suggested that the council be assigned contracts to develop, manage and market all magnet schools that are part of the desegregation effort. But Adamowski opposes such a plan. Based on test-score data, he said, "there is no superiority of CREC schools. I see no basis for CREC being the manager for magnet schools," he said.

He testified, however, that there should be a centralized overseer of integration efforts. "The appointment of a special master would be absolutely necessary to carry out the original Sheff decision."

Wednesday's session completed the bulk of the hearing. Judge Marshall K. Berger Jr. has told the attorneys that he will set a date for closing arguments in the coming weeks.



Day 4 In Sheff Case Reveals Rift
By RACHEL GOTTLIEB FRANK | Courant Staff Writer
November 10, 2007

Testimony by the state's education commissioner on the fourth day of a hearing on the Sheff vs. O'Neill desegregation lawsuit revealed a testy relationship between Hartford's superintendent of schools and the state Department of Education over state efforts to quicken the pace of desegregation.

The Sheff lawsuit, filed in 1989, resulted in an order by the state Supreme Court in 1996 to end the racial, ethnic and economic isolation of Hartford's minority students. The court left it to the state and the plaintiffs to decide how to do that. Now the plaintiffs say desegregation efforts have fallen short, and they are in Superior Court appealing for help.

State Education Commissioner Mark McQuillan on Friday summarized an exchange of letters that began last summer between him and Superintendent Steven Adamowski in which McQuillan asked Hartford to submit documents showing why several of the city's magnet schools didn't have enough white students and how the district intended to remedy the problem.

"This was a repeated plea that went out," McQuillan testified, and the state was threatening to withhold millions of dollars if those documents weren't submitted by Oct. 1.

In letters back to McQuillan, the commissioner testified, Adamowski challenged the state's authority to withhold funding.

"I wrote back to say we really do have the authority to withhold funds," McQuillan said

In time, he said, Adamowski set conditions for the release of the documents that the state was seeking. One condition was the reform of the lottery system used to admit students to magnet schools. In Adamowski's opinion, the lottery system for admission to interdistrict magnet schools is illegal in the wake of recent U.S. Supreme Court rulings on the use of race for the assignment of students to schools, McQuillan said.

"He continued to come back to me to say it was the state's responsibility to develop a new lottery system," McQuillan testified. Finally, he said, Adamowski took the position that until he saw a new lottery system he would not release enrollment plans sought by the state.

McQuillan testified that he believes the lottery, which is run by the Capitol Region Education Council (CREC), is fair.

The U.S. Supreme Court decision released in June forbids schools from enrolling children strictly on the basis of race and threatened many voluntary desegregation plans throughout the nation. But at the time of the ruling,, experts said they believed it would have little effect on school desegregation efforts in Hartford. The key difference, legal experts said, is that the magnet schools and school choice plans that are a central piece of the Sheff efforts do not single out students by race. Rather, the plans attempt to achieve racial balance by selecting students based on where they live.

In the dispute between McQuillan and Adamowski, the state ultimately withheld $4.6 million from Hartford because the city did not submit the enrollment plans that the state demanded.

Another point of tension between McQuillan and Adamowski is the development of a joint office between the state, Hartford and the CREC to implement desegregation programs.

Since he took office last January, McQuillan testified, he has reorganized his office and created a special division to concentrate exclusively on Sheff mandates. The joint office between the state, Hartford and CREC is a separate office he is attempting to create. But Adamowski made clear to McQuillan that he thought the state should take the lead role in implementing integration efforts.

Throughout the hearing on the status of the desegregation projects under the Sheff ruling, Hartford's lawyer has pushed the point that it is the state - not Hartford - that is the defendant in the case, so the state should be responsible for all costs and implementation.

Before McQuillan was called as a witness for the state, Robert Genuario, secretary of the state Office of Policy and Management, testified about some of the funding dedicated to desegregating Hartford's schools, including $4.9 million in the state budget this year and $9.9 million in next year's budget. The money is earmarked for the development of new charter schools, expanding the Open Choice program through which city students enroll in suburban schools, funding interdistrict cooperative programs and operations of the joint office between Hartford, the state and CREC.

John Rose, Hartford's lawyer, asked Genuario if there was money dedicated to make up for lost taxes when the city buys private property for use as a school and whether the state was paying for all the staff in the magnet schools opened in Hartford as part of the integration efforts.

Genuario said that the state assists with salaries for staff through its main grant for education called the Education Cost Sharing Grant, and he pointed out that schools never pay taxes.


Spotty Sheff Enforcement
By RACHEL GOTTLIEB FRANK | And MAGDALENE PEREZ Courant Staff Writers
November 9, 2007

Over the years the state has helped develop a comprehensive plan to desegregate Hartford's schools, spent hundreds of millions of dollars on the efforts, appealed to suburban districts to open their schools to city students and offered training to suburban districts to help city students succeed, state witnesses testified Thursday in the Sheff vs. O'Neill desegregation case.

But cross-examination of those witnesses in Superior Court in Hartford revealed that shifts in management have resulted in spotty results and murky accountability since 2003, when the plaintiffs in the Sheff lawsuit reached a compromise agreement with the state on integration goals.

During those years, changes in oversight included five state education commissioners, multiple reorganizations of the state Department of Education, four Hartford superintendents, a transition from state control over Hartford schools to local control and the creation and disbanding of a magnet school office in Hartford.

The lawsuit, filed in 1989, resulted in an order by the state Supreme Court in 1996 to end the racial, ethnic and economic isolation of Hartford's minority students. The court left it to the state and the plaintiffs to decide how to do that, and sent the case back to Superior Court for monitoring. Now, 11 years later, the plaintiffs say desegregation efforts have fallen short, and they are in Superior Court appealing for help.

Marcus Rivera, a consultant for the state education department, testified that he helped Hartford create a plan for integration that included developing magnet schools, improving all of Hartford's schools and sending city students to suburban schools. After Hartford's school board approved the plan, the state left it to the city to implement it, he said.

But during his cross-examination of state witnesses Thursday, the city's lawyer, John Rose, pointed out that Hartford is not a defendant in the Sheff lawsuit and therefore not responsible for carrying out its mandate.

After his testimony, Rivera said he isn't sure how much of the plan he helped create was carried out, though he believes some of it was.

Some of the testimony suggested the state is not entirely to blame for failure to reach Sheff goals to enroll specific numbers of Hartford minority students in suburban schools through the Open Choice program. Rivera said that Hartford hasn't always cooperated.

For example, Rivera said, when there were openings in suburban schools for kindergartners and first-graders, then-Education Commissioner Betty Sternberg asked then-Hartford Superintendent Robert Henry to include information about the vacancies in a letter to Hartford parents that the district was required to send anyway as part of the federal No Child Left Behind law.

Henry refused to include information about the vacancies, Rivera said, telling the state, "We really would not like to have these letters go out because we want to keep all Hartford students in Hartford."

Under cross-examination by Sheff lawyer Martha Stone, Rivera said the state did not take it upon itself to send the letter to parents.

"What we were not able to do is get information into the hands of all parents that this was a choice open to them," Rivera said.

Stone pressed the point that the state had repeatedly made participation in desegregation efforts voluntary by asking districts to help, but never setting benchmarks for individual districts to meet.

When the state realized it would fall short of its requirement to place 1,600 Hartford minority students in suburban schools - last year 1,070 students were enrolled in the Open Choice program - Sternberg wrote a letter to superintendents "strongly encouraging" them to open more seats, Rivera said.

The July 2006 letter said that 469 new students must be added to the Open Choice program - a total of 18 in each of the 27 school districts governed by the Sheff compromise - to reach the state's ordered obligation of placing 1,600 students in the program by 2007.

Each district has decided to heed or ignore that recommendation on its own terms, Rivera said. While some districts have renewed seats for Hartford students, others have not opened a single new seat in years.



Schools: A Shift Of Views On Sheff;  Case Returns To Court Amid New Skepticism
By RACHEL GOTTLIEB FRANK | Courant Staff Writer
November 5, 2007

A decade after the state Supreme Court ordered the desegregation of schools across Greater Hartford in the landmark Sheff v. O'Neill case, the goal of integration remains elusive.

Magnet schools, the cornerstone of the state's plan to bring together white children and children of color using voluntary incentives, have fallen short. Hartford's schools still have a population that is predominantly black, Hispanic and poor.  Now, as the Sheff plaintiffs head back to court Tuesday to demand the state make good on its assurances, advocates of integration are facing increasing skepticism on the part of both state lawmakers and city officials over both the cost - and value - of continuing down the same path.

Tensions that have long remain hidden are now erupting, opening up a new and potentially contentious chapter in the effort to desegregate schools in and around Hartford.

"It's breaking out in the open now," said John Brittain, a former Sheff lawyer. "The current spat with the Hartford school system exposes the fragility of the infrastructure of the Sheff v. O'Neill process."

Lawyers for the Sheff plaintiffs declined to say what they will seek in court. The latest effort at compromise between the state and the plaintiffs - which failed to win legislative approval - called for the state to spend $112 million over the next five years to expand the array of magnet, charter and vocational-technical schools.  But one attorney said now that the issue is heading back to court, the plaintiffs won't be constrained by the compromises that they have agreed to in the past.

"There's new thinking we'll be presenting at the trial," said Matthew Colangelo, an attorney with the NAACP Legal Defense Fund who is representing the plaintiffs in the Sheff v. O'Neill lawsuit.

"We're saying it's been 11 years and not enough progress has been made and we think it's time for the court to get involved."

Forced Integration?

The question of whether the city's schools must be desegregated was settled by a state Supreme Court order in 1996, though the court left it to the Sheff plaintiffs and the state to figure out how to do it.  The state and the plaintiffs finally reached an agreement on a plan in 2003, and it was left largely to Hartford to implement its terms by building magnet schools and sending students to suburban schools through the state's "Open Choice" program.

The guiding principle of those efforts has been to make desegregation voluntary - sidestepping the politically explosive prospect of forcibly moving children from one school to another.  But the effectiveness of this approach is now being questioned.

"The notion that we're going to get a better result by voluntary programs is ridiculous," said state Sen. Thomas Gaffey, D-Meriden, co-chairman of the legislature's education committee. "We need to shift away from the model of remedy that the state has been pursuing for years. The district is as racially isolated today as it was 10 years ago. It suggests you need to do something different."

Gaffey advocates giving the education commissioner more statutory authority to enforce broad participation by area towns.  The best way to satisfy the court order, he said, probably would be to expand the Open Choice program, through which Hartford students enroll in suburban schools. This would give the commissioner power to order reluctant towns to open their doors to more students from Hartford.

"How open Open Choice is, is really debatable," Gaffey said, conceding that towns won't like being strong-armed into admitting more Hartford kids and that getting any major changes through the General Assembly would be difficult.

Hartford School Superintendent Steven Adamowski bluntly told the State Board of Education recently that it isn't fair Hartford has borne the brunt of making integration happen, while suburban participation remains optional.  As it stands, the state is withholding $4.6 million from the city-run magnet schools for failing to enroll enough white students, and won't release that money until the city submits a plan outlining its plan for a remedy. If the state doesn't release the money, Adamowski said, the district will have to begin laying off staff at the four magnet schools that don't meet the quota.


Adamowski told the State Board of Education and the education commissioner that a regional approach is needed. He strongly encouraged them to create a system of rewards and punishments to get the region's many "fiefdoms" to work with Hartford in developing models for integrated schools that are different from the traditional magnet school model.

But while there are growing questions about the effectiveness of voluntary solutions, the state will likely argue in court against involuntary participation, said Education Commissioner Mark K. McQuillan. "This state has historically and fervently relied on local control," he said.

That devotion aside, he said, programs that are entered into voluntarily are more likely to work.

"People will invest more of their energy and time to carry it out," McQuillan said. "Let's try voluntary measures now. If that fails then we may have to take more drastic measures that people may not want."

McQuillan said he wants to expand the Open Choice program and to press for the development of magnet schools in the suburbs.  He conceded that the assumption that suburban youngsters would be drawn to magnet schools run by Hartford was mistaken. By locating schools in the suburbs, officials said, the state could address the perception of some parents that Hartford schools are not safe.

"Suburban parents have some trepidation about sending their children into the inner city. Whether it's perceived or accurate, we are aware of it," said Tom Murphy, spokesman for the state Department of Education. "Having several schools in suburban communities as a choice will give an opportunity to allay those concerns."

McQuillan said he thinks that six or seven magnet schools run by suburban towns could work, focusing on young children in grades pre-K through 3. Parents who would otherwise pay to send their preschool-aged children to day care would find the offer of an all-day public preschool school program particularly enticing, McQuillan said.

Hartford Pulls Back

Beyond the question of how to make desegregation happen is a broader problem: Officials are growing more vocal about the burden Sheff presents - and even questioning the value of its goals.  In a presentation to the State Board of Education on ways Hartford is working to close the achievement gap between urban and suburban children, Adamowski questioned the very premise of the Sheff lawsuit.

"There is no research to suggest that minority students will do better by sitting next to a white student," he said.

The original lawsuit, filed in 1989, asserted that the racial segregation of Hartford schools violates the state's constitution. Adamowski's comment resonated with some, including Hartford school board member Andrea Comer, who believes it is demeaning to assume that children of color need to share a classroom with white students in order to learn well.  But it drew a sharp response from some advocates of desegregation.

"We're disappointed that it's 2007 and the superintendent wants to debate whether it is a bad thing for Hartford's minority children to be taught in racially segregated schools," Colangelo said.

"As a social science matter, the answer has been clear for decades," Colangelo said. As a legal matter, he said, the case was settled years ago.

In his presentation to the state board, Adamowski outlined a strategy for improving the city's schools that does not specifically address the court's order, although the Hartford school board's new policy for redesigning failing schools directs the superintendent to "give consideration" to the Sheff goals of reducing racial and economic isolation.

"This is high stakes for the state," Murphy said. "The superintendent's reform package has not connected Sheff with the strategies for improvement. We've got to find some common ground."

In the past, Hartford's superintendents have publicly embraced the lead position in fulfilling the requirements of the Sheff lawsuit, even if they grumbled behind the scenes about cost. Adamowski's public arm's-length posture from both the state and the tenets of the court order represent a dramatic shift in the landscape.  Lawmakers are also asking questions about the direction of desegregation efforts.

Legislative leaders this summer didn't put the $112 million plan to expand magnets up for a vote in part because they questioned the effectiveness of the approach, and in part because Hartford's mayor and superintendent urged rejection until the state develops a more comprehensive plan to integrate schools.

On the eve of the case's return to court, Mayor Eddie A. Perez, chairman of the school board, lobbed his pitch into the arena, saying that while the city remains committed to the Sheff goals, the state shouldn't dump the burden on Hartford.

"The state wants to monitor us and have us implement Sheff. We want them to implement Sheff and we will assist them," Perez said. "It can't just be Hartford's burden."


Sheff Case Returns To Court
School Desegregation Issue Had Been Stuck In The State Legislature
By ROBERT A. FRAHM | Courant Staff Writer
July 6, 2007

The struggle to desegregate Hartford's public schools is back in court.

Plaintiffs in the Sheff v. O'Neill case filed a legal motion Thursday, saying they will wait no longer for the legislature to approve a tentative agreement that would require the state to take aggressive new measures to reduce racial isolation in Hartford's public schools.

A 4-year-old settlement in the long-running case failed to reach its goals and expired last week. The state and the Sheff plaintiffs reached a tentative agreement in late May that would establish new goals and extend the settlement, but the legislature so far has not approved the extension.

The proposed extension calls on the state to spend millions of dollars more over the next five years to subsidize magnet schools, charter schools and other programs designed to bolster integration.

The legislature, which received the settlement as its regular spring session was coming to a close, is expected to take up the issue in a special session later this month.

"Time is wasting, and kids are not being properly educated," Wesley W. Horton, a lawyer for the plaintiffs, said after filing a motion asking the courts to enforce a 1996 state Supreme Court ruling ordering the state to reduce racial isolation in Hartford's mostly black and Hispanic schools.

The motion, filed before Superior Court Judge Marshall K. Berger Jr., is the latest step in a legal case that began 18 years ago and led to a 2003 court-approved settlement designed to expand opportunities for Hartford students to enroll in racially integrated magnet schools and predominantly white suburban schools.

That settlement set a target calling for 30 percent of Hartford students to be enrolled in racially integrated schools by this year, but the effort has fallen short.

A recent study by Trinity College researchers reported that only 9 percent of the city's students attend schools that have enough white students to qualify as racially integrated under the Sheff agreement. At the same time, enrollments at many of Hartford's schools, including some magnets, remain almost entirely black and Hispanic.

The Trinity report found that magnet schools, instead of drawing white suburban children into the city, have been more popular among black and Hispanic suburban families. It also found that previous gains under a program allowing city children to enroll in suburban schools have stagnated.

Thursday's legal motion would have little effect if the legislature approves the tentative settlement, but lawmakers said they will need more time to review the proposed settlement before voting later this month.

"We received this settlement ... less than 48 hours before the adjournment of the regular session" in June, said state Sen. Thomas Gaffey, co-chairman of the legislature's Education Committee. "To expect the General Assembly to take this up when we're grappling with the state budget in that short a time frame is absolutely unreasonable."

Among the lawmakers' concerns, according to Gaffey, is the poor track record of the original settlement. "There has been very little progress at reducing racial isolation in Hartford's schools," he said. "What is the evidence we're going to be any better off?"

Gaffey, D-Meriden, said he plans to schedule a hearing to review questions about the Sheff proposal, including whether it complies with last week's U.S. Supreme Court ruling prohibiting schools from assigning students to schools on the basis of race.

Although the goal of the Sheff settlement is to reduce racial isolation, officials have said the Sheff programs are not affected by the Supreme Court's ruling because students are selected for schools based on where they live, and are not singled out by race.

Gaffey also said lawmakers want to know why Hartford officials did not sign on to the latest tentative agreement.

Although Hartford plans to comply with the terms of the Sheff agreement, officials decided not to sign because of the cost of busing students and building new magnet schools under the original agreement, Hartford Corporation Counsel John Rose said. Under the original settlement, the state paid the bulk of the cost, but Hartford also spent millions of dollars, he said.

If the city had received guarantees that those costs would be covered completely by the state under the new tentative settlement, "we would have signed off," he said. "That's really what it's about."

Although the court allowed city officials to take part in settlement negotiations, the settlement was between the plaintiffs and the state. The city could have signed on, but its approval was not required.

A Losing Battle, So Far;  Report: Reality Spoils Racial Balancing Act
By ROBERT A. FRAHM, Courant Staff Writer
June 13, 2007

An agreement hailed four years ago as a way to end the overwhelming racial isolation in Hartford's public schools has failed, a new independent review of the landmark Sheff v. O'Neill school desegregation case says.

Trinity College researchers will issue a report today showing in stark numbers how little progress has been made toward creating magnet schools that draw a mix of white and non-white students, or toward getting the city's mostly black and Hispanic student population into mostly white suburban schools.
 
The report shows that magnet schools, instead of drawing white suburban children into the city, have been more popular among black and Hispanic suburban families. It also found that gains under a program allowing city children to enroll in suburban schools have ground to a halt.

"This is sad news," said Jack Dougherty, a Trinity professor who, along with two students, compiled a report showing that the key Sheff strategies to reduce racial isolation in Hartford's schools have come up short.

Shifting population patterns also have complicated efforts to balance schools by race. The report documents dramatic changes in many of Hartford's suburbs, including substantial growth in the number of non-white students since the Sheff case was filed in 1989. Several towns - Windsor, Manchester and East Hartford among them - have seen dramatic increases in their non-white student populations over the past two decades.

"When the Sheff case was filed ... it was clear that people thought of Hartford as a minority city and the suburbs as predominantly white," said Dougherty, director of Trinity's educational studies program.

"That model from 1989 doesn't fit nearly as well now as it did then."

The report says a 2003 court-approved settlement in the Sheff case will fall far short of its goals when it expires this month.

State officials last week announced a tentative agreement with the Sheff plaintiffs to take aggressive new measures to speed the pace of integration. A proposed extension of the 2003 agreement calls on the state to spend millions of dollars more over the next five years to subsidize magnet schools, charter schools and other programs designed to bolster integration.

That tentative agreement, which also sets new racial quotas, requires approval by the legislature and the courts.

A crucial piece of the earlier agreement revolved around magnet schools, where officials hoped that specialty themes, such as arts or technology, would attract white suburban children into the city, joining black and Hispanic children from Hartford.

Instead, the magnets have been especially popular among families from towns such as Bloomfield, Windsor and East Hartford, where non-white students now make up a substantial majority of the school-age population.

White families have been less enthusiastic about the magnets, with parents complaining about delays in the construction of new buildings, problems with busing and even a lack of sports programs. The city's struggles with crime, including a spate of shootings last summer, along with Hartford's troubled history of sub-par public schools, also have undermined recruiting.

Although a few magnets, including several older, well-established regional schools run by the Capitol Region Education Council, have attracted racially mixed student bodies, many others remain mostly black and Hispanic, the report shows.

Sheff plaintiffs won a state Supreme Court ruling in 1996 and reached a settlement with the state in 2003 establishing a court-approved goal: enrolling 30 percent of Hartford's schoolchildren in racially integrated schools by this year.

But Dougherty, along with Trinity students Jesse Wanzer and Christina Ramsay, reported that only 9 percent of the city's schoolchildren attend schools that have enough white students to qualify as racially integrated under the Sheff agreement.

Even under a rule allowing the state to include children who attend recently created magnet schools that have not yet reached the minimum quota of white children, only 17 percent of Hartford children count toward the Sheff goal, the report said.

The report also found that a long-running school choice program that allows Hartford parents to send their children to mostly white suburban schools is well short of its goal of 1,600 children.

Enrollment in the program flattened out at 1,070 children this year, the report said. That is only one more than the program had a year ago and below the 1,175 students enrolled in 1979 in Project Concern, the predecessor of the current choice program.

In some suburbs, enrollment in the choice program has declined over the past decade. Farmington, for example, enrolled 94 Hartford children this year, down from 108 a decade ago, the report said. The decline occurred mainly because the town's overall growth during the 1990s left limited space in its schools, said Superintendent Robert M. Villanova. As space problems ease, the town expects to take in more children in the program, he said.

Sheff supporters lament the slow rate of progress in both the magnet school and the choice programs, contending that state officials have not provided sufficient support. In addition, they cite problems with busing and long delays in plans for building new magnets.

"It has taken too long for [magnet] schools to be constructed," said city Councilwoman Elizabeth Horton Sheff, whose son, Milo, was the lead plaintiff in the landmark desegregation case.

"You can't blame parents for being nervous, not having a permanent place for their schools," she said.



A not unrelated matter...
How fair is the state's tax system? It's the rich against the poor

By: Keith M. Phaneuf, Journal Inquirer
Analysis
04/14/2007

HARTFORD - When majority Democrats in the state legislature unveiled their new budget Thursday, they reopened a debate that hasn't been joined at this level in 16 years.

The issue: Is Connecticut's income tax fair, and should wealthier households pay higher rates?
 
Democrats, who won potentially veto-proof, two-thirds majorities in the House and Senate this year gave their answer Thursday, unveiling a sweeping plan to shift more than $1 billion in tax burdens onto households earning more than $190,000. At the same time, they want to provide hundreds of millions of dollars in new tax breaks to those earning less than $190,000.

Republican Gov. M. Jodi Rell, whose own budget plan maintains a relatively flat income tax and seeks an across-the-board hike, didn't say this week whether she would support asking the wealthy to pay a higher rate. She said she would wait until legislative fiscal analysts report on the proposed tax hikes next week.

But Democratic lawmakers, sensing an advantage, pressed hard for an answer Friday.

"I'm really shocked that the governor's idea of 'unconscionable' is a middle-class tax break," said House Speaker James A. Amann, D-Milford. "We're asking those who make more to pay a bit more. There's fairness in that. ... Why wouldn't the governor want to have that."

Rell did call it "unacceptable" and "unconscionable" for Democrats to propose a $37 billion budget for the next two fiscal years that adds almost $650 million to her proposal.

Democrats say their tax plan would raise about $790 million in new revenue, but the governor said she fears it would require closer to $1 billion. Rell's budget plan seeks $660 million more from residents next year.

House Majority Leader Christopher G. Donovan, D-Meriden, said neither Rell nor anyone else should be surprised by the Democrats' plan. It mirrors concepts they have been talking about for years but lacked the votes to implement - until this year.

Democrats 'stronger, ready'

"We've run into governors who have been in the way," Donovan said, referring to Rell and her predecessor and fellow Republican, John G. Rowland. "This year we're stronger and ready to take on the challenge."

The "challenge" Donovan refers to is the current state income tax, which treats most residents largely the same, regardless of income.

State government, which enacted an income tax in 1991, employs just two rates. The first $10,000 on income from most individuals, and the first $20,000 from most couples is taxed at 3 percent. All income above that is taxed at 5 percent, regardless of how wealthy a household is.

The new plan retains the initial 3 percent increment and sets five more tiers. The income parameters for individuals were unavailable Thursday but generally are about 53 percent of those for couples.

The new rates for couples under the Democratic proposal are:

* 4.75 percent for income between $20,001 and $100,000.

* 5 percent for income between $100,001 and $150,000.

* 5.5 percent for income between $150,001 and $200,000.

* 6.25 percent of income between $200,001 and $250,000.

* 6.95 percent for income above $250,000.

A preliminary analysis shows that couples earning $190,000 or less would see their state income taxes go down.

Another middle-class break

These changes alone would bring an estimated $900 million net bonus into the state's coffers. Democrats then would devote $300 million of that to increase the property-tax credit within the income-tax system from $500 to $1,000, giving middle-class households another break. Families earning more than $190,000 per year are ineligible to claim the property tax credit.

Democrats have tried to revise the income tax before. They tried to add third tax bracket repeatedly between 2001 and 2003, but Rowland vetoed all of those attempts.

Those proposals were far less sweeping than the plan unveiled this week. They generally targeted only households earning more than $1 million and were nicknamed the "millionaires' tax." They imposed only a modest rate hike and devoted all the dollars to new spending without providing any tax cuts for middle-income families.

Some Democrats say a progressive system always was the vision they had for the state income tax when it was enacted in 1991 under then-Gov. Lowell P. Weicker Jr.  After a nearly nine-month battle, a tax was approved. But liberal Democrats, who wanted the progressive income tax, had to compromise with the more-conservative Weicker, who would support only a flat tax.

If this year's Democratic plan is adopted, it wouldn't be the first time the state ordered an income-related tax change aimed primarily at the wealthy.

Another part of the 1991 compromise was the end of separate state taxes on capital gains and on dividends and interest - levies that were designed primarily to tap wealthy households with large amounts of investment income. The capital gains tax was 7 percent, and the levy on dividends and interest reached as high as 14 percent. Once the income tax was enacted, investment income was rolled into new system and taxed at the flat rate, which was 4.5 percent in 1991.

Liberal 'Holy Grail'

"A progressive income tax has been the Holy Grail of the liberal movement since time began," said former state Rep. Jonathan Pelto, a Mansfield Democrat who backed the income tax. Liberal Democrats grudgingly accepted the compromise of a flat income tax because the alternative was to continue to rely too heavily on a state sales tax that didn't provide enough revenue.

"Any income tax was better than a sales tax," Pelto said. "But I think many legislators always wanted to revisit it."

Weicker was replaced in 1995 by Rowland, who left office in July 2004 and was succeeded by Rell. More than a decade of Republican governors has meant that backers of a progressive income tax have had to bide their time - until now.  Having won 107 of 151 seats in the House and 24 of 36 in the Senate, Democrats now feel they have the muscle to force a new debate on the income tax.

Pelto said Rell won't long be able to avoid telling the public which tax philosophy she favors.

"She has already said we are going to need to raise taxes, and she wants to raise it for everyone," he said. "The Democrats have responded that we agree taxes need to be raised, but we are going to protect" the middle class.

"This isn't a debate over whether to raise taxes," Pelto said. "It's about who should pay more."

Downside: volatility

One downside to a progressive income tax is that it makes state revenues more volatile.  A tax that relies more heavily on investment income from wealthy households is subject to the economic highs and lows of the stock market.

Even with the current, largely flat income tax, state government lost more than $1 billion in tax revenue tied to investments when the recession hit in 2002-03. The result was more than 2,500 state employee layoffs and an income tax increase on everyone.

Sen. Louis C. DeLuca of Woodbury, the leader of the Senate's Republican minority, said he fears Democratic lawmakers would use big revenues from boom times to launch new programs that couldn't be sustained when the inevitable economic crash hits.

"When you base your budget on high-income earners, the people who invest, you're setting yourself up for a problem down the line because you know you're going to have those dips in the market," DeLuca said, predicting that a progressive tax would prompt more wealthy families to leave the state.

Democrats "don't want to believe that money is mobile," the Republican leader said.

©Journal Inquirer 2007


A review of Sheff, 2006..click here to see the full story - or read an excerpted version below.

A DECADE OF HALF MEASURES:   10 years after a Hartford mother and son forced city schools to integrate, progress has dragged
Stan Simpson, The Hartford Courant
July 23, 2006

Eugene Leach couldn't help himself. He's a historian after all.

Our conversation was about Sheff vs. O'Neill - the landmark Hartford school desegregation court ruling that is 10 years old this month.   The Trinity College history and American studies professor took me back to 1848 and the writings of abolitionist Frederick Douglass, one of his favorite 19th century authors and orators.  Douglass had been lamenting the construction of a new school in Bath, N.Y., with taxpayers' dollars. It was going to be for whites only. He believed segregated schools were unbecoming and shortsighted.

"It will be an important point gained if we secure this right," Douglass wrote. "Let colored children be educated and grow up side by side with white children, come up friends from unsophisticated and generous childhoods together and it will require a powerful agent to convert them into enemies and leave them to prey upon each others rights and liberties."

Those thoughts 158 years ago are as profound today - and as difficult to attain. The Sheff plaintiffs are once again haggling with the state, urging more progress in the desegregation of Hartford schools.  A decade after the court's decision that Hartford's schools would be integrated voluntarily, the 24,000-student school district remains 95 percent black and Latino, and most of the students are poor. While some city students now have better opportunities to be educated, most continue to languish in substandard public schools.

The problem is that these students' futures are subject to the luck of the draw - or the school lottery, in this case. And, as the kids might say, that sucks.

"I'm where Douglass was in 1848," said Leach, who is white and a parent-plaintiff in the Sheff suit. "I haven't changed my fundamental belief that what the country professes is equality. And equality means open doors for integrated education and open opportunity for integrated education."

The state Supreme Court ruling on Sheff was national news. That the state was deemed responsible for de facto segregation, even thought it didn't cause it, was a largely contrarian notion. The verdict came seven years after the suit was filed in 1989 and one year after Superior Court Judge Harry Hammer had ruled in the state's favor.  Still, even with the trumping Supreme Court edict - which suggested no remedy - the plaintiffs had to return to court three times in arguing that the state was not complying.

A settlement was finally hatched in 2003, in which both sides agreed that the state would build eight new magnet schools over four years at a cost of about $45 million per year. A separate program, called Open Choice, was established to increase the number of suburban-school slots available to city students from 1,000 to 1,600. The goal was to have 30 percent of the Hartford students in integrated schools by 2007.

The state has fallen way short on all of these goals. Its administrators have blamed construction delays and problems finding suitable building sites. Only two magnet schools are in new buildings, with others in various stages of planning. Of the 1,600 suburban-school seats available to Hartford students, only 1,062 have been filled. Educators say increases in suburban populations have made fewer of those seats available. Other observers suggest that political will is also a factor.

With the 2007 deadline approaching on the settlement, my assessment of the 1996 verdict is that it is one fraught with frustration and anticipation. After all these years, Sheff, much to the plaintiffs' chagrin, gets a grade of "Incomplete" - just a notch above an F.

"If you go back to the overall goal of reducing racial isolation and economic isolation, not much has changed in that regard," said Eddie Davis, the recently retired Danbury schools chief. He was the Hartford school superintendent in 1996.

"It's great to see the theme schools that are beginning to spring up around the Hartford area, and yet they have attracted a very small number of white students," he said. "If you had not been here 10 years ago and didn't know about the Sheff lawsuit, you'd see very little evidence that there was a lawsuit and that the plaintiffs prevailed..."

Frustration over the implementing integration is equally high. It reached a point where John Brittain - the attorney who helped the plaintiffs win their case and became one of the most prominent faces of the Sheff case - started having second thoughts.

If meaningful change couldn't happen even with a state Supreme Court ruling, Brittain fumed, maybe he should have agitated more for quality neighborhood schools instead of integrated ones. Though still an advocate for integration, Brittain says generations of young urban children have been sacrificed while integration efforts lag.

"I don't think integration is dead, but certainly it's in the intensive care unit," said Brittain, now the chief counsel and senior deputy director of the Washington, D.C.-based Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. "And it's certainly losing its enthusiasm among the intended beneficiaries of communities of color. ... The Sheff vs. O'Neill decision largely has met the same fate as its fore-parent, Brown v. the Board of Education, in the long delay and difficulty in implementation."

Fifty-two years after the landmark Brown decision ruled segregated schools were illegal, America's public schools are re-segregating at a pace comparable to the 1950s.

Stanley Battle, a former administrator at Eastern Connecticut State University, now is president of Coppin State University, a historically black university in Baltimore. Coppin also oversees a largely minority K-12 public school system, which is beginning to show academic strides because of the schools-university partnership.

Battle said he's long past pining for integration to improve urban education, though he sees the value of diverse classrooms.

"We talk about integration, but we practice segregation. Let's be honest,"' Battle said. "So, if we're so hell-bent on saying one thing and doing another, let's at least be honest about making sure that the schools are at the highest quality, that we have certified and top-notch teachers, that we have good equipment, partnerships and relationships with universities, the private sector and businesses to encourage children to stay in school."

African-Americans and Latinos represent 22 percent of Connecticut's total population but 75 percent of its prison population. Of the states 18,000 prison inmates, 75 percent don't have high school diplomas. In many states, including Connecticut, there are more black men in prison than in universities. And while Connecticut has some of the finest public schools in the country, it has the nation's widest academic-achievement gap between African-American and Latino students and their white peers.

"We have to find different paradigms to make sure that we don't have a legacy of children who are totally ignorant," said Battle.


"The state has not met the goal of the settlement and has not honored the ruling from the Supreme Court," said Hartford City Councilwoman Elizabeth Horton Sheff. Her son, Milo, now a rapper, is the plaintiff for whom the case is named. "While minimal progress has been made, the state is not fully committed to the desegregation of our schools."
 
The state is asking for patience, saying that building eight new schools in four years is an ambitious undertaking.

"What's complicated is trying to find sites that are available for school buildings in a city like Hartford, where the city is fairly justified in being reluctant to give up land that could be taxable," said Jack Hasegawa, the state Department of Education's bureau chief for educational equity. "And the city's school-building stock is pretty well used up..."

Better accountability to measure progress needs to be agreed upon. Hundreds of millions of dollars have been pumped into these desegregation initiatives, including money for pre-school and literacy education. Martha Stone, a lead-plaintiff attorney, said a mechanism to measure progress will be among the items the Sheff team will be seeking in its next round of talks.

That lack of measurement has raised the eyebrows of some third-party observers.

"It's surprising to me in all the talk of school accountability lately that there's no legal mechanism to make sure that the quality of the academic achievement is under consideration," said Jack Dougherty, associate professor of education at Trinity College. Dougherty, along with other local professors, has been researching Sheff's impact. He said his research indicates that the state is overstating the percentage of Hartford students who qualify to be counted toward compliance with the Sheff settlement. The state's estimate is 23.5 percent; Dougherty's research shows it's 14 percent.

The negotiations should also talk about significantly increasing the percentage of city students to be integrated. The current 30 percent goal means more than two-thirds of the Hartford kids are left behind. More incentives are also needed for suburban schools to open slots for city kids. If the Sheff goal is to be achieved, Open Choice can't be offered in name only.


House votes to OK settlement 87-60.  Next stop, Senate (not necessary for confirmation).
Legislators Approve Sheff Settlement; House Votes 87-60 For Integration Plan
February 26, 2003
By ROBERT A. FRAHM, Courant Staff Writer

The landmark settlement in a school desegregation case against Connecticut survived challenges to its cost and its educational merit as it won final approval in the state
legislature Tuesday.

The House of Representatives voted 87-60 to approve the out-of-court settlement in the Sheff vs. O'Neill case, an agreement that includes plans for eight new integrated
magnet schools in Hartford over the next four years.  Some legislators objected to the estimated $135 million price for the plan, which also calls for expansion of a
suburban school choice program for Hartford children, but the House could not muster enough votes to block the agreement.

"It was a good day," said Philip Tegeler, one of the lawyers for plaintiffs in the 14-year-old case, which sought to reduce racial segregation in Hartford's mostly black and
Hispanic public schools.  Attorney General Richard Blumenthal called the vote "a historic victory for Connecticut's children," saying it would help the state make "significant, solid steps toward diversity and perhaps become a national model."

The Senate could still debate the agreement today, but a vote would be no more than symbolic. Under state law, the settlement automatically takes effect unless both
houses of the legislature reject it by a three-fifths margin no later than today, the final deadline for a vote.  In the House, the most vehement objections came from
lawmakers representing towns outside of Hartford. Their opposition to spending millions on renovating or building new schools in the capital city came against the backdrop
of a deepening state budget crisis.

The legislature is trying to close a $650 million budget gap this year and a projected $1.5 billion gap next year - a crisis that threatens every area of state supported
programs, including public schools. An analysis done for the legislature estimates the settlement would cost $45 million in operating funds and $90 million for construction
over four years.  "The settlement does little but renovate buildings at the expense of every other town in the state," said state Rep. Toni Boucher, R-Wilton.

The agreement calls for at least 30 percent of Hartford's schoolchildren to be integrated into magnet schools or suburban schools by 2007, up from about 10 percent now. Tuesday's vote fell largely along partisan lines, with most Democrats supporting the settlement and most Republicans opposing it.  "We will leave behind 70 percent of the children," said state Rep. Robert W. Heagney, R-Simsbury. "This isn't a solution. It's simply a patch."

State Rep. Lawrence F. Cafero Jr., R-Norwalk, said the money would be better spent trying to close an academic achievement gap that finds black and Hispanic students
trailing whites in towns such as Norwalk.  "Not one nickel of that money is going to help kids read better or write better or compute better," Cafero said.  He added that the Sheff case could be the first of many coming from other communities where schools are heavily populated by black and Hispanic schoolchildren.  "What's to stop ... parents in towns like Bridgeport or New Haven from bringing the same kind of lawsuit, hoping to achieve the same kind of result?" he said.

The Sheff plaintiffs had gone back to court a year ago, accusing the state of dragging its feet in complying with a 1996 state Supreme Court ruling ordering the state to
desegregate Hartford's schools. Superior Court Judge Julia L. Aurigemma had been scheduled to make a ruling until the two sides reached a settlement last month.

"I think it's a good first step," state Rep. Kenneth P. Green, D-Hartford, said after Tuesday's vote. He said the settlement marks the first time that a plan includes specific provisions for measuring progress toward racial integration.  As for the cost, Green said, "Education is an expensive endeavor. ... If we don't educate our children, what is the cost in prisons? What is the cost in mental health services? In not having a workforce?"



Sheff Deadline: 2007
SETTLEMENT: A Four-Year Effort Begins To Help Undo Hartford's School Segregation
January 23, 2003  by ROBERT A. FRAHM, Courant Staff Writer

After 14 years of court battles, political maneuvering and heated public debate, the two sides in Connecticut's historic Sheff vs. O'Neill school desegregation case signed a four-year truce Wednesday.  Now comes the hard part.

The agreement between the plaintiffs and the state already is being hailed as a national model for voluntary school integration, but its success or failure will hinge largely on whether Hartford can attract hundreds more white suburban children into the city to attend proposed new magnet schools.  A key provision of the agreement is the creation of eight new magnet schools in or near Hartford over the next four years - something both sides see as essential to changing a stubborn, longstanding pattern of racial segregation in schools in Connecticut's capital city.

Hartford public schools, where more than 90 percent of students are black or Hispanic, remain as segregated today as they were when the Sheff lawsuit was filed in 1989.
Under the proposed settlement, the state for the first time would establish specific goals for increasing the number of Hartford children attending integrated magnet schools
or enrolling in suburban schools under a voluntary transfer program.

The inclusion of specific goals and timetables was a key objective for plaintiffs, but the plan - which depends upon parents making voluntary choices - falls short of the
original vision of the plaintiffs, which included the possible redrawing of boundary lines between city and suburban school districts.  Even if the goals are met, 70 percent of the city's children would remain in mostly segregated schools.

"Is it the vision we started with 14 years ago? No. Is it a giant step forward? Yes," said Elizabeth Horton Sheff, the mother of lead plaintiff Milo Sheff. "It's a good thing. This isn't the end of it. We'll come back and we'll see where we are in four years."

About 10 percent of Hartford's schoolchildren currently attend integrated magnet schools or enroll in suburban schools under a voluntary choice program, but the new
agreement calls for raising that figure to 30 percent - or about 7,000 students - by 2007, a challenging target.

"Implementing this [settlement] ... is probably harder than agreeing to it," state Education Commissioner Theodore S. Sergi said moments before he and other officials
signed the agreement in a room packed with TV cameras, reporters and plaintiffs.  The plan calls for the state to spend an additional $45 million over the next four years to help operate the new magnet schools, and to expand a program, called Open Choice, allowing Hartford parents to enroll their children in predominantly white suburban schools.

The state now spends about $65 million a year on magnet schools and other programs to promote racial integration.  If it wins the approval of the state legislature, the
settlement would resolve at least for four years a case that led to a state Supreme Court ruling in 1996 saying that racial isolation in Hartford schools violated the rights of
schoolchildren to an adequate education.

Following that ruling, the state spent hundreds of millions of dollars on magnet schools and other programs to promote integration, but the Sheff plaintiffs returned to
court last spring, saying those programs were making only minimal progress.  The issue has been before Superior Court Judge Julia L. Aurigemma, who also will have to approve the settlement.

Wednesday's agreement also includes state funding for additional after-school and summer exchange programs for city and suburban schoolchildren.

Gov. John G. Rowland, who announced the agreement Wednesday, predicted the legislature would approve it. "I think there will be almost unanimous support for it," he
said.  The plan could involve the use of existing buildings, renovation of some classrooms or the construction of new school buildings - something Rowland estimated could
cost as much as $200 million in state bond funds over several years.  He called it a good decision, saying the state did not want to leave the matter to the courts.

In addition to doubling the number of city children voluntarily enrolling in suburban schools, the settlement calls for roughly tripling the number in integrated magnet schools by 2007.  "We have a lot of work to do," Sergi, the education commissioner, said. "We have a very good chance of meeting that target, but it will be difficult."

In Hartford, where public schools have struggled to overcome a reputation as being among the worst in the state, skeptics believe magnet schools will be a difficult sell to suburban parents.  Nevertheless, educators point to the popularity of magnet schools such as the Breakthrough Magnet School and Montessori School in Hartford and the Metropolitan Learning Center in Bloomfield.

At the University of Hartford Magnet School, more than 1,000 Hartford children and about 900 suburban children are on waiting lists, said Bruce Douglas, executive director of the Capitol Region Education Council, which runs that school and eight other magnet programs in greater Hartford.  "There is definitely a great demand" for magnet programs, he said.  State officials also cite the success of magnet programs in New Haven, a mostly black and Hispanic school system that draws hundreds of suburban students to city schools.

"There is every reason to believe Hartford can replicate our success," said Edward Linehan, supervisor of New Haven's magnet programs. Parents have choices to enroll in more than 20 of New Haven's 48 public schools. Among those are eight magnet schools and one regional vocational agriculture school drawing about 1,100 students from the suburbs.  To attract parents, "there has to be no question about the quality of instruction in reading, writing, arithmetic," Linehan said. "If it's a high school, you have to have strong electives."

The agreement comes as schools in many states are becoming increasingly segregated. A Harvard University study released this week says that a growing number of black and Latino students nationwide are attending schools consisting mainly of minority groups while white students are increasingly likely to attend schools that have few minorities.

Gary Orfield, a Harvard professor who led the study, said the Sheff agreement is a compromise that "really expands opportunity for some of the kids in Hartford, but leaves
most of them behind."

"It's not the final solution," he said. "The issue will come back."

As officials signed the agreement Wednesday, state Attorney General Richard Blumenthal said, "At a time when many are doing less to reduce racial isolation, we will do more."

State Rep. William Dyson, D-New Haven, called the agreement "a noble undertaking" but said many questions remain. The agreement may resolve the Hartford case but does not directly address problems of racial isolation and poverty elsewhere, he said.

"How do you deal with it in the context of all the other towns that have the same problems?" he said. "What do you say to Bridgeport? What about Waterbury?"

In Hartford, however, the families who filed the case in 1989 were clearly pleased even though the matter took more than a decade to reach Wednesday's resolution.  One of the plaintiffs, Neiima Best, was 11 years old when the case was filed. She is 25 now, a college graduate and the mother of three children.  "I knew when I got involved, she probably would not benefit personally," said Denise Best, her mother. Now Denise Best has a granddaughter who is on waiting lists at two different magnet schools in Hartford but has not been selected so far.

"Hopefully, this plan will benefit her," she said.



Now the New York Times is on the case!
Poverty in a Land of Plenty: Can Hartford Ever Recover?
By PAUL ZIELBAUER (Monday, August 26, 2002 front page with picture of Colt Building)
"Hartford's descent reflects the conundrum of Connecticut, which has a split economy of affluent suburbs and floundering cities..."


Monday, December 09, 2002 - 3:41:54 AM MST
Diversity in schools muddled;  Big cities can't match gains made in suburbs
By LINDA CONNER LAMBECK lclambeck@ctpost.com
HARTFORD - Five years after the state launched efforts to comply with a state Supreme Court order to reduce racial isolation in public schools, most suburban districts are
more diverse, but urban districts remain as segregated as ever.

In 2001-02, 133 out of 166 school districts showed increases in the percent of minority students over the 1996-97 school year, according to the strategic school profiles each district submitted to the state.  Another 30 districts showed declines in their minority population. Three stayed the same.

But in city school systems, where high concentrations of minorities prompted the filing of the landmark Sheff vs. O'Neill desegregation lawsuit 13 years ago, the situation has not improved.  In both Bridgeport and New Haven schools, the minority percentages are higherin 2001-02 than they were five years earlier. Both have populations of racial minorities bordering 90 percent.  In Hartford, the target of the Sheff case, the population of racial minorities has declined marginally, from 95.2 to 94.2 percent.

State education officials are in the process of compiling a report on efforts to reduce racial, ethnic and economic segregation. It is due in January.  Information already provided by districts on strategic profiles, however, suggest an abundance of voluntary interdistrict programs and schools, diversity training and student swapping is going on both in the cities and the suburbs.  But some say the increasing suburban diversity has as much if not more to do with immigration and pursuit of the American dream than efforts taken by the school systems.

"It's a little of both," said Thomas Murphy, a state Department of Education spokesman. "We're seeing more participation in magnet schools as well as housing patterns that reflect some migration of middle class minority families out to the suburbs."  Others caution that a diverse district doesn't ensure diverse schools.

"Students don't attend districts, they attend schools. It's not uncommon to see a rapid increase in suburban segregation if districts aren't careful," said Gary Orfield, a Harvard University professor and desegregation expert who has testified on behalf of the Sheff plaintiffs.  According to Orfield, the whole population of Connecticut, and much of the nation, is being driven by immigration and a growing diversity.

The net result is a swelling minority population in formerly all-white suburbs, while the cities remain segregated because middle-class black and Hispanics leaving the cities are being replaced by poor immigrants or no one at all.

Statewide, school diversity has increased to about 30 percent. Numbers on the strategic profiles show towns adjacent to big cities are seeing the biggest increases in minority students. Stratford's minority student population grew from 25.5 to a reported 32.4 percent in five years. Supt. of Schools Ray O'Connell thinks it's even higher than that this year.

He also challenged Orfield's contention that suburban minorities might be kept segregated.

On the contrary, Stratford has several magnet programs that O'Connell said have helped increase diversity at all schools. Also, the graduates of some elementary schools have been redirected to make sure there is diversity at the middle and high school level in the north end of town.  Where Bunnell High School used to have a 4 percent minority population, more than a quarter of the student body are now minorities.

"Any school that will serve as a microcosm of the broader society is preparing kids for the real world," said O'Connell.  It was a lack of diversity coupled with appalling conditions in Hartford Public Schools that led the state Supreme Court in 1996 to rule that the racial segregation that existed between urban and suburban districts was unconstitutional.

The court ruled segregation was denying urban and suburban students the kind of education to which they were entitled. The court ordered the imbalance corrected but suggested neither a timetable nor blueprint for correcting the situation.  The state has wrestled with the issue ever since, but not as earnestly as the Sheff plaintiffs would
like. Twice plaintiffs have gone back to court to ask the state be pressured to move faster. This time, the two sides have also been meeting privately to negotiate a settlement without benefit of the judge.

This week, Commissioner of Education Theodore S. Sergi said the two sides are still close and still meeting. "I'm still optimistic and hopeful. Other than that, I can't say anything more," he said.  Every year, the state mandates that districts report what they are doing to promote diversity. It requires them to increase their efforts annually.
Some districts are increasing their diversity by accepting city students through the Project Choice open enrollment program. Four of Easton's 55 minority students, for instance, are from Bridgeport.

Many districts list their contribution of students to state-funded charter schools as promoting diversity. However, statistics show some charter schools are as segregated as their host community. Racial minorities make up 96.6 percent of Bridge Academy in Bridgeport. At Amistad Academy in New Haven, 96.4 percent of the students are racial minorities.  Ansonia, which has seen a steady increase in its minority population, said its biggest contribution to diversity thus far has been to open new schools.

"Before this, many students attended schools that lacked libraries, gyms, cafeteria, and technology and were not racially balanced," Ansonia officials point out. Now they are.  Other districts admit diversification remains a challenge.

"There are relatively few minority children who attend the Seymour Public Schools, which prevents intradistrict activities," officials there wrote.  The district reports more inter-district activities than ever, but says increases in enrollment have hindered efforts to participate in Project Choice.  Of 2,874, students, 262, or 9.1 percent of Seymour students were racial minorities in 2001-02. A third of those were Asian.

Asians also account for a large percentage of minority students in Darien, Easton, Orange, and Trumbull. By the state's definition, minority students include black, Hispanic, Asian American and American Indian students.  Orfield, the Harvard professor, said Asians should be excluded from minority counts.

"Asians are not segregated. They're the most integrated population in the country. Putting Asians in there is really very misleading, I think," Orfield said.  Census figures, however, suggest Asians are one of the fastest growing minorities in the state.



Settlement Possible In School Desegregation Suit
2:38 PM EDT,October 9, 2002
By ROBERT A. FRAHM, The Hartford Courant

The two sides in Connecticut's landmark school desegregation lawsuit could be closing in on a settlement as negotiations reach a critical stage, officials said today.

Parties in the Sheff vs. O'Neill case will meet again next week to try to reach a deal that could lead to a significant expansion of magnet schools and urban-suburban
student transfer programs in the Hartford region.

“We're at a make-or-break point,” Mark Stapleton, the state Department of Education's chief legal officer, said as the state Board of Education held a brief closed meeting Wednesday morning to get an update on negotiations. “We're getting close to a decision on whether a deal is feasible.”

The settlement talks, which began earlier this year, are the first serious out-of-court discussions aimed at resolving the dispute since the case was filed 13 years ago.

Six years ago, the state Supreme Court ruled in favor of the Sheff plaintiffs and ordered the state to reduce racial imbalance in Hartford's mostly black and Hispanic public schools.  However, the plaintiffs returned to court two years ago and again earlier this year to contend that the state legislature has not done enough to comply with that
ruling.

The state has spent millions of dollars in recent years building new racially integrated magnet schools in the Hartford region and throughout Connecticut, but black and Hispanic children continue to make up the overwhelming majority of students in Hartford and other major cities.

Superior Court Judge Julia L. Aurigemma was expected to rule on the case as early as this fall, but the two sides are expected to ask her for another extension of a deadline to file legal briefs while settlement talks continue.  Although neither side will discuss details of the talks publicly, the negotiations are centered around a proposal by plaintiffs to create new integrated magnet schools in Hartford and open additional spots in suburban schools for city children over the next four years.

Aside from the potential cost of building new schools, the two sides are believed to be discussing matters such as deadlines, enrollment goals and transportation arrangements.

“We went into this with a 50-50 shot” of reaching an agreement, state Education Commissioner Theodore S. Sergi said after briefing the state Board of Education on the talks. “I still think there is [an even chance], and we're close.”

While officials remain hopeful, there is no guarantee that the matter will not wind up back in Aurigemma's courtroom.

“If something is going to happen, it's going to happen soon,” said Dennis D. Parker of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, a lawyer for the Sheff plaintiffs. “I'd like to think we can come up with something. We've exchanged a couple of proposals. I'm not going to say there isn't some distance between us because there is.”

The Sheff case surfaced two weeks ago as an issue in the governor’s race when gubernatorial challenger Bill Curry said the dispute could be resolved easily over lunch. Gov. John G. Rowland shot back that Curry’s remark “shows the lack of depth and understanding of the significant problems we're facing in . . .urban education.” 



Decision expected in the Fall, according to the Greenwich TIME June 28, 2002.
The Sheff v. O'Neill case went back to court on April 16th. Although there is a State position,  and have been active at times in the past, the State League currently does not have a specialist in this area.  Help is needed to mobilize the community around this issue.

The CCLU has taken the lead in pulling together like-minded groups.  The next planning date for Sheff v. O'Neill had been set for March 20th,  at 6:00 p.m. at the CCLU Offices, 32 Oak Street.  It is reported on the LWVCT WEBsite that in all likelihood there will be a town hall meeting on Sheff v. O'Neill on April 3rd or 4th and a candlelight vigil on April 15th at the State Capitol the day before Sheff v. O'Neill goes back to court.

The LWVCT WEBsite advises for "...more info you can call Teresa Younger at 247-9823, ext. 219 (Executive Director, CCLU)."


Sides Seek Sheff Pact;  Serious Talks In School Desegregation Case
July 13, 2002 - By RACHEL GOTTLIEB, Courant Staff Writer

For the first time in the 13-year history of the Sheff vs. O'Neill school desegregation case, lawyers for both sides are holding serious negotiations aimed at settling the landmark case.

The state and the plaintiffs announced Friday that they are seeking an extension of the deadline to file legal briefs until after Labor Day to give them time to negotiate for a
settlement. They said they expect Superior Court Judge Julia L. Aurigemma to grant the extension.  While there is no guarantee the state and the plaintiffs will be able to agree on a way to end the case and the segregation that the state Supreme Court in 1996 ruled is unconstitutional, the announcement said they will take July and August to try to craft a resolution. This twist in the case, now in its third round of hearings, was startling because both sides have been far apart for more than a decade.

Aurigemma, reached at her home Friday, said she had not yet received a motion requesting an extension. "They said it might be coming."

Aurigemma, who ruled three years ago that the state was proceeding as it should and granted more time for it to comply with the state Supreme Court's desegregation
order, had asked both sides for suggestions on how she should rule. She indicated in court that she may not simply go with one side or the other, saying "It may well be
the court doesn't believe the [Sheff] plan is the way to go or adopting the state's plan of leaving things the way they are is the way to go."

The question itself, she said, could be seen as gentle prodding for the two sides to work out a compromise.  "Have I encouraged them?" she said, repeating a question put to her. "I probably did."  Rather, she later clarified, "I didn't encourage them to settle. I just asked for suggestions."  Then she laid out what both sides were facing. "If I
decided I wanted to take a middle ground, I might be out on my own and that wouldn't be a good idea. If the plaintiffs and the state can find a way to live with a resolution, that would be excellent," Aurigemma said. "It would be a good thing for everyone."

There were talks about a settlement before the lawsuit was filed in 1989, said John C. Brittain, who was a principal lawyer for the plaintiffs in the first round of the case but who has shifted to being more of an informed observer since moving to Texas to teach law.  The difference now, Brittain said, is both sides have shown their stamina and fully aired their legal theories, and judges have ruled on those theories.  "The parties have once again seen each other naked, so to speak," Brittain said from Texas.

"The plaintiffs realistically know that the state is not going to do as much as they want no matter how hard they push.  But the state knows the plaintiffs won't go away no matter how slowly they proceed," said Brittain, explaining that settlement discussions began around two weeks ago.  Neither side will say precisely what is being negotiated.
But in the latest hearings on the long-running case, hearings that began in April, the plaintiffs outlined for the first time a remedy to end racial isolation of Hartford
schoolchildren that they could accept.

By this September, six years after th